This time last week, a team of Europe’s leading golfers were
well on the way to a stunning comeback win over their US counterparts, on the
same American soil on which most of the team ply their trade each week. The victory
owed much to a golden generation of British players, but was ultimately both
inspired and driven by two of the sport’s continental legends.
The same sort of triumph of European co-operation over American
might is what the bosses of EADS and BAE Systems had in mind when they proposed
a merger of the two companies that would form a defence and aviation behemoth
to rival Boeing.
As with the golf, also, the coup would take place under the
noses of the Americans, with whom BAE in particular conducts a substantial
amount of business. Where the similarities end is in the wave of both healthy
scepticism and downright nationalistic fear-mongering that has greeted the
announcement.
With a common history of state ownership, shared importance
in matters of national and international security, billions of pounds in
respective annual profits and an unshakeable symbolism of European unity and
British aloofness, these two firms know that any major business decision they
take is sure to be politically significant and sensitive.
When the merger plan was leaked to the media last month,
right-wing rags wasted no time in impressing upon their readers just how much
of a bad idea this was – warning of “the dangers of foreign ownership”,
questioning the implications for BAE’s contracts with the US and Saudi Arabia,
and raising the spectre of job cuts required by a streamlined multinational
organisation.
Above all, though, it is the prospect of 60% foreign
ownership that spooks those who already harbour deep suspicions of anything
said or done by anyone from across the Channel. But this arrangement is not
unreasonable – BAE is held at arm’s length by one national government, while
EADS is under the influence of three; and although the two companies’ profits
are similar, the continental firm generates two and a half times the revenue of
its British rival.
Then again, they aren’t really rivals at all – BAE is the
world’s second biggest defence contractor, whereas EADS’s main business is in
civil aviation through its Airbus subsidiary. Both are locked in perennial competition
with American giants, and both have much to gain from joining forces, sharing
expertise, growing networks and cutting costs.
From a business point of view, then, the merger is a good
deal – and an especially good deal for BAE, whose share price has been stable
since the news broke, while EADS has lost a sixth of its market value.
The politics, however, is much less clear-cut. The British
government has pledged to use the ‘golden share’ it holds in BAE Systems to
veto the merger if it is deemed not to be in the UK’s best interests, while the
French and Germans are also reluctant to let go of their stake in EADS; such
political resistance from either side remains the biggest threat to the deal
going through.
In the end, though, it may well be the US itself that plays
the key role in determining whether the merger goes ahead. If France and
Germany insist on retaining too much control of the new company, Washington
could threaten to turn its back on Europe altogether when it comes to awarding
lucrative but sensitive contracts in future.
It would be even worse for EADS if the deal falls through.
BAE has shown its hand in declaring its desire for a strategic partner, and the
open goal offered up by a failed merger is unlikely to be missed by an American
giant such as Lockheed even Boeing itself. Such a deal would reinforce
America’s superiority, and Europe’s irrelevance, in global defence.
At the heart of this proposition is the business interests
of the firms involved, but fears over the potential political ramifications
have raised the stakes. As ever, the irony is that it is that same political
interference that could scupper the deal – or worse, produce a fudge that suits
nobody.
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