More Than Just A Race

To proceed with it would legitimise a brutal regime, say some. To halt it would empower extremists, say others. The sport of Formula 1 has never seen anything like this before.

Alas, this weekend’s Bahrain Grand Prix is set to go ahead as scheduled. Fears about safety and security that led to the postponement and eventual cancellation of last year’s race have (but for one unfortunate incident yesterday) largely diminished – but moreover, such practical worries have taken a back seat to issues of principle.

There is no doubt that playing host to the F1 circus is a boon for Bahrain, its economy and its rulers. Interested tourists and dedicated sports fans alike will flock to the island. However, the media circus that goes with it has re-focused the eyes of the world on a troubled Middle Eastern state that has otherwise been forgotten in the wake of events elsewhere, not least in Syria.

For years, resentment has simmered among Bahrain’s Shia majority at the (Sunni) royal family’s grip on power. They have long believed they are neglected, politically and economically. Last year’s Arab Spring seemingly inspired this movement to push for change, but it was the police’s appalling crackdowns on peaceful demonstrators early last year that stoked the conflict.

The government has not handled the situation well. An internal independent inquiry into alleged abuse of civilians by the police has gone largely unheeded, with human rights groups still restricted or barred. Meanwhile, the protests have got larger, more frequent and more bitter.

Marches in Bahrain used to be about economic and social improvement; seeking greater equality and political participation. Now the aim is an end to repression, the release of political prisoners and even the overthrow of the regime. Demonstrations are still largely peaceful – until the first sign of trouble arises, sparking a brutal police response, at which point conflict escalates rapidly.

The government insists that it is plotting a route out of the current crisis towards accountability and democracy. It hopes the staging of the race will demonstrate this as well as boosting the nation’s economy, to the benefit of the whole 1.2m-strong population. Given that Bahrain has been on the F1 calendar since 2004, and was humiliated by last year’s no-go, this is questionable.

The government also fears a possible end result if the Islamists are allowed to have their way – Bahrain is desperate to avoid becoming a theocracy like Iran, its neighbours across the Gulf. Even the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt represents a warning to the ruling regime.

The challenge for the world’s media will be to stick around long enough to see whether either of these outcomes emerges. The likelihood is, though, that as the shiny racing cars roll out of town, so will the TV cameras – a country in violent transition just doesn’t sell the same as a country (Syria) in all-out civil war does.

There is also a fear that the international glitz and glamour of the ‘show’ will distract from the difficult reality faced by most ordinary, native Bahrainis – especially in a country where more than half of the population are wealthy, Western (probably race-going) expatriates.

Sport and politics have never mixed well. Formula 1, however – for all its internal wrangles and occasional scandals – has historically managed to avoid being seen as more than just a motor race. Its handling of the issue last year was not ideal, but the right decision was made in the end.

This year, the sport has taken a gamble that it is desperate to win. No wonder Mr Ecclestone insisted today that people’s complaints “are nothing to do with F1”. If only it were that simple.